Macroeconomics – eRutledge | Arabian Gulf Economics

Changes in the Kingdom

The world should push the crown prince to reform Saudi Arabia, not wreck it

The Economist | November 9th, 2017

In a kingdom where change comes only slowly, if at all, the drama of recent days in Saudi Arabia is astounding. Scores of princes, ministers and officials have been arrested or sacked, mostly accused of corruption. Many of those arrested are being held in the splendour of the Ritz-Carlton hotel in Riyadh. About $800bn-worth of assets may have been frozen. At the same time a missile fired from Yemen was intercepted near Riyadh, prompting Saudi Arabia to accuse Iran of an “act of war”.

Upheaval at home and threats of war abroad make a worrying mix in a country that has, hitherto, held firm amid the violent breakdown of the Middle East. The world can ill afford instability in the biggest oil exporter, the largest Arab economy and the home of Islam’s two holiest sites.

At the centre of the whirlwind stands the impetuous crown prince, Muhammad bin Salman, son of the aged King Salman. The prince has staged a palace coup—or perhaps a counter-coup against opponents seeking to block his sweeping changes (see article). Either way, at the age of just 32, he has become the most powerful man in Saudi Arabia since King Abdel-Aziz bin Saud, who founded the state. All this may be the precursor to profound reforms that the country needs. The danger is that it will just lead to another failed one-man Arab dictatorship.

Casting himself as a champion of the young, Prince Muhammad (known as MBS) understands that his country must reinvent itself to deal with the end of the oil boom, a burgeoning and indolent population, and a puritanical Wahhabi religious ideology that has been a Petri dish for jihadism. He has set out ambitious plans to harness private firms to reform the state and wean the country off oil. He has also eased some social strictures, promising to end the ban on women drivers and restraining the religious police. He speaks of returning to a “moderate Islam open to the world and all religions”.

All this is welcome. But the way the prince is going about enacting change is worrying. One reason is that his ambition too often turns to rashness. He led an Arab coalition into an unwinnable war in Yemen against the Houthis, a Shia militia, creating a humanitarian disaster. He has also sought to isolate Qatar, a gas-rich neighbour, succeeding only in wrecking the Gulf Co-operation Council and pushing Qatar towards Iran. With fewer constraints, he could become still more reckless. He is rattling the sabre at Iran over the war in Yemen, and may be challenging it in Lebanon. During a visit to Riyadh, the Saudi-backed Lebanese prime minister, Saad Hariri, announced that he would step down, and denounced interference by Iran and its client militia, Hizbullah (see article). What precisely the Saudis intend to do in Lebanon is unclear. But many worry about a return to violence in a country scarred by civil war and conflicts between Hizbullah and Israel.

Another concern is the economy. Prince Muhammad’s plan for transformation relies in part on luring foreign investors. But they will be reluctant to commit much money when someone like Alwaleed bin Talal, a prince and global investor, can be arrested on the crown prince’s say-so (see article). Last month Prince Muhammad made a pitch to foreign investors for a new high-tech city filled with robots, NEOM. The glitzy event took place in the same hotel complex that is now a prison.

A third cause for disquiet is the stability of the monarchy. Saudi rule has hitherto rested on three pillars: consensus and a balance of power across the sprawling royal family; the blessing of Wahhabi clerics; and a cradle-to-grave system of benefits for citizens. Prince Muhammad is weakening all three by concentrating power in his own hands, pushing for social freedoms, and imposing austerity and privatisation.

Much of this had to change. He could seek new legitimacy by moving towards greater debate and consultation. Instead, space for dissent is disappearing and executions are rising. The anti-corruption campaign is being carried out with little or no due process to determine who is guilty of what. Many ordinary Saudis are cheering for now. But the arrests look like Xi Jinping’s purges in China, not the rule of law. As he meets resistance and his base narrows, the crown prince may rely increasingly on the security apparatus to silence critics. That would only repeat the mistakes of republican Arab strongmen: socially quite liberal, but repressive and ultimately a failure.

Many have predicted the fall of the House of Saud, only to be proved wrong. The most likely alternative to its rule, flawed as it is, is not democracy but chaos. The country would fragment and, in the scramble for its riches, Iran would extend its power, jihadists would gain a new lease of life and foreign powers would feel compelled to intervene.

The world must fervently hope that Prince Muhammad’s good reforms succeed, while urging restraint on his bad impulses. President Donald Trump is wrong to cheer the purge on. The West should instead counsel the prince to act with caution, avoid escalation with Iran and free political life at home. Prince Muhammad may be heeding the dictum of Niccolò Machiavelli that it is better for a prince to be feared than loved. But this advice comes with a rider: he should not be hated.

Educated Emirati fathers want more for their daughters

The more educated a father is, the more likely he is to encourage his daughter to take up a high-powered career, a study suggests

by Roberta Pennington | April 23, 2017

Researchers from United Arab Emirates University are studying the influence of parents in their children’s careers. And an Emirati child with parents in the private sector is much more likely to hold similar aspirations, it says. Before Mariam Al Zaabi had finished university, her father urged her to become a self-sufficient, professional woman. “He wanted me to be as strong as the men,” said Ms Al Zaabi. “So he said, ‘you need to work and you need to go and earn your degree’.” Her experience is in line with the two main findings of the study into the influence of parents in their children’s careers, by researchers at UAE University.

Academics polled 335 female Emirati students to see what influenced their career intentions. Dr Emilie Rutledge, associate professor at the university’s College of Business and Economics, hoped the two findings could help with Emiratisation policy. “Encouraging more males to undertake tertiary education and continuing with the policy of subsidising the employment costs of nationals will pay longer-term dividends in terms of female labour force participation,” Dr Rutledge said. An unexpected finding was the lack of influence mothers had over children’s career choice. “Mothers, irrespective of their educational attainment level, had no significant influence in the career decision making process of their daughters,” said Dr Rutledge.

The survey also asked students whether they wanted to work in the public or private sectors, to which 78.5 per cent responded public. “Furthermore, 29.6 per cent strongly agreed with the statement that they would ‘wait’ for a government job, as opposed to taking a private sector job in the interim,” the study found. The respondents also said that if the prospective job were “interesting,” the employer offered maternity leave and employed women role models, it would increase women’s likelihood of entering the workforce, the study found. “The job being interesting was ranked as the most important and this was subsequently found to significantly increase the likelihood of labour market entry,” the researchers wrote. While salary was also identified as a factor, “it did not turn out to have a significant relationship” with choice of career.

Economic reform in the Gulf

If Gulf citizens are to keep enjoying rich-world standards of living, they will increasingly have to find productive work in the private sector. That means overhauling labour markets that keep too many of the region’s citizens idle.

The Economist (2016). Time to sheikh it up. The Economist, 420(9006): 11-12.

THE people of Saudi Arabia have for decades enjoyed the munificence of their royal family: no taxes; free education and health care; subsidised water, electricity and fuel; undemanding jobs in the civil service; scholarships to study abroad; and much more. This easy life has been sustained by gushers of petrodollars and an army of foreign workers. The only thing asked of subjects is public observance of Islamic strictures and acquiescence in the absolute power of the sprawling Al Saud dynasty.

Similar arrangements hold in the other countries of the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC), a six-member club of oil monarchies. But these compacts are breaking down. The price of oil has fallen sharply since 2014, and the number of young Gulf citizens entering the job market is growing fast. The maliks and emirs can no longer afford huge giveaways, or to pay ever more subjects to snooze in air-conditioned government offices. The monarchs know it. They say they are seeking to diversify their economies away from oil rents; they are also whittling away generous subsidies and plan a new value-added tax across the GCC.

But reforms have to go further. If Gulf citizens are to keep enjoying rich-world standards of living, they will increasingly have to find productive work in the private sector. That means overhauling labour markets that keep too many of the region’s citizens idle.

The pampering of Gulf citizens has made them expensive for firms to hire (see “Labour laws in the Gulf: From oil to toil”). By contrast, the third-class legal status of many migrant workers makes them extra-cheap (see “Migration in the Gulf: Open doors but different laws”) and puts them at the mercy of their employers. Given the choice between a hardworking foreigner and a costly local, private firms have long preferred the foreigner.

In response Gulf governments have imposed ever more stringent quotas on foreign companies to employ locals, especially in desirable white-dishdasha jobs. In Bahrain 50% of workers in banks must be Bahrainis; but only 5% of those in construction need be. (It’s awfully hot on building sites.) Quotas reduce the incentive for Gulf citizens to do a job well: why bother, when your employer has little choice but to keep you on? Firms often regard hiring locals as a sort of tax. Some pay them to stay at home.

The best policy would be to phase out quotas entirely, while also slimming the bureaucracy and making it clear that civil-service jobs are no longer a birthright. In Saudi Arabia two-thirds of citizens are employed by the state. Public-sector wages account for 12% of GDP in the Gulf and Algeria, compared with an average of 5% across emerging economies.

The way migrant labourers are treated needs to change, too. Gulf states deserve credit for letting in far more immigrants than almost all Western countries, relative to their populations. (In many cases, foreigners outnumber locals.) Migrants gain from earning far higher wages than they could back in India or Pakistan. But the coercive parts of the kafala system of sponsoring foreign workers should be dismantled. Migrant workers should not need their employers’ permission to leave the country. After a while, they should be allowed to switch jobs. Contracts should be clear and enforced by local courts. Long-term foreign workers should be able to earn permanent residence; ultimately those who wish to should have the opportunity to become citizens.

These reforms–less pampering for locals and more rights for migrants–would reshape the labour market. More locals would have to do real work. Migrants would be better treated, though inevitably fewer would be hired. Some new ideas are being tested. Bahrain is allowing firms to ignore quotas by paying a fee for each foreign worker they employ. As part of its ambitious economic agenda, Saudi Arabia is talking of issuing green cards to some migrants.

A new social contract
At a time of bloody turmoil across the Arab world, many royals fear undoing the social compact that has kept them in power. But cheap oil makes change unavoidable; doing nothing merely postpones the reckoning. Economic transformation should nudge Gulf states towards political reform. Perhaps, as their citizens are asked to do more to earn their living, they will demand that rulers do more to earn their consent.

The Bretton Woods summit explained

bretton-woods

ON JULY 1ST 1944 the rich world’s finance experts convened in a hotel in the New Hampshire mountains to discuss the post-war monetary system. The Bretton Woods system that emerged from the conference saw the creation of two global institutions that still play important roles today, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. It also instituted a fixed exchange-rate system that lasted until the early 1970s.

A key motivation for participants at the conference was a sense that the inter-war financial system had been chaotic, seeing the collapse of the gold standard, the Great Depression and the rise of protectionism. Henry Morgenthau, America’s Treasury secretary, declared that the conference should “do away with the economic evils—the competitive devaluation and destructive impediments to trade—which preceded the present war.” But the conference had to bridge a tricky transatlantic divide. Its intellectual leader was John Maynard Keynes, the British economist, but the financial power belonged to Harry Dexter White, acting as American President Roosevelt’s representative.

The strain of maintaining fixed exchange rates had proved too much for countries in the past, especially when their trade accounts fell into deficit. The role of the IMF was designed to deal with this problem, by acting as an international lender of last resort. But while White, as the representative of a creditor nation (and one with a trade surplus), wanted all the burden of adjustment to fall on the debtors, Keynes wanted constraints on the creditors as well. He wanted an international balance-of-payments clearing mechanism based, not on the dollar, but a new currency called bancor. White worried that America would end up being paid for its exports in “funny money”; Keynes lost the argument. Ironically enough, now that America is a net debtor, White’s administrative successors have called for creditors to bear part of the adjustment when trade balances get out of line.

The Bretton Woods exchange-rate system saw all currencies linked to the dollar, and the dollar linked to gold. To prevent speculation against currency pegs, capital flows were severely restricted. This system was accompanied by more than two decades of rapid economic growth, and a relative paucity of financial crises. But in the end it proved too inflexible to deal with the rising economic power of Germany and Japan, and America’s reluctance to adjust its domestic economic policy to maintain the gold peg. President Nixon abandoned the link to gold in 1971 and the fixed exchange-rate system disintegrated.

Both the IMF and World Bank survived. But each has fierce critics, not least for their perceived domination by the rich world. The IMF has been criticised for the conditions it attaches to loans, which have been seen as too focused on austerity and the rights of creditors and too little concerned with the welfare of the poor. The World Bank, which has mainly focused on loans to developing countries, has been criticised for failing to pay sufficient attention to the social and environmental consequences of the projects it funds. It is hard to believe that either institution will be around in another 70 years’ time unless they change to reflect the growing power of emerging markets, particularly China.

WEF global competitiveness rankings, 2013-2014

According to the World Economic Forum Qatar reaffirms once again its position as the most competitive economy in the region (13th globally) for the period 2013-2014. The country’s strong performance in terms of competitiveness rests on solid foundations made up of a high-quality institutional framework (4th), a stable macroeconomic environment (6th), and an efficient goods market (3rd). Low levels of corruption and undue influence on government decisions, high efficiency of government institutions, and strong security are the cornerstones of the country’s solid institutional framework, which provides a good basis for heightening efficiency.

Going forward, reducing the country’s vulnerability to commodity price fluctuations will require diversification into other sectors of the economy and reinforcing some areas of competitiveness. As a high-income economy, Qatar will have to continue to pay significant attention to developing into a knowledge- and innovation-driven economy. The country’s patenting activity remains low by international standards, at 60th, although some elements that could contribute to fostering innovation are in place. The government drives innovation by procuring high-technology products, universities collaborate with the private sector, and scientists and engineers are readily available. To become a truly innovative economy, Qatar will have to continue to promote a greater use of the latest technologies (31st), ensure universal primary education, and foster more openness to foreign competition—currently ranked at 30th, a ranking that reflects barriers to international trade and investment and red tape when starting a business.

The United Arab Emirates moves up in the WEF global competitiveness rankings to take second place in the MENA region at 19th globally. Higher oil prices have buoyed the budget surplus and allowed the country to reduce public debt and raise the savings rate. The country has also been aggressive at adopting technologies and in particular using ICTs, which contributes to enhancing the country’s productivity. Overall, the country’s competitiveness reflects the high quality of its infrastructure, where it ranks a solid 5th, as well as its highly efficient goods markets (4th). Strong macroeconomic stability (7th) and some positive aspects of the country’s institutions—such as strong public trust in politicians (3rd) and high government efficiency (9th)—round up the list of competitive advantages.

Going forward, putting the country on a more stable development path will require further investment to boost health and educational outcomes (49th on the health and primary education pillar). Raising the bar with respect to education will require not only measures to improve the quality of teaching and the relevance of curricula, but also measures to provide incentives for the population to attend schools at the primary and secondary levels.

Saudi Arabia remains rather stable with a small drop of two places to 20th position overall. The country has seen a number of improvements to its competitiveness in recent years that have resulted in more efficient markets and sophisticated businesses. High macroeconomic stability (4th) and strong, albeit falling, use of ICTs for productivity improvements contribute to maintaining Saudi Arabia’s strong position in the GCI. As much as the recent developments are commendable, the country faces important challenges going forward. Health and education do not meet the standards of other countries at similar income levels. Although some progress is visible in health and primary education, improvements are being made from a low level. As a result, the country continues to occupy low ranks in the health and primary education pillar (53rd). Room for improvement also remains on the higher education and training pillar (48th), where the assessment has weakened over the past year. Labor market efficiency also declines, to a low 70th position, in this edition. Reform in this area will be of great significance to Saudi Arabia given the growing number of young people who will enter the labor market over the next several years. More efficient use of talent—in particular, enabling the increasing share of educated women to work—and better education outcomes will increase in importance as global talent shortages loom on the horizon and the country attempts to diversify its economy, which will require a more skilled and educated workforce. Last but not least, although some progress has been recorded recently, the use of the latest technologies can be enhanced further (41st), especially as this is an area where Saudi Arabia continues to trail other Gulf economies.

The Middle East and North Africa
The Middle East and North African region continues to be affected by political turbulence that has impacted individual countries’ competitiveness. Economies that are significantly affected by unrest and political transformation within their own borders or those of neighboring countries tend to drop or stagnate in terms of national competitiveness. At the same time, some small, energy-rich economies in the region perform well in the rankings. This underlines the fact that, contrary to the situation found in previous energy price booms, these countries have managed to contain the effects of rising energy prices on their economies and have used the window of opportunity to embark on structural reforms and invest in competitiveness-enhancing measures.

Mineral resource abundance: Blessing or curse?
The availability of abundant natural resources, especially minerals such as oil, gas, copper, and gold, has traditionally been regarded as an important input into economic growth and higher levels of prosperity in many economies. Many oil- and gas-rich countries in the Middle East have benefited from some of the highest gross domestic product per capita in the world, for example.

However, an abundance of mineral resources does not necessarily directly equate with higher rates of sustained productivity and overall competitiveness, and thus with rising prosperity in the long term. From the 17th century, when a resource-poor Netherlands managed to flourish in sharp contrast to gold- and silver-abundant Spain, to more recent cases—such as the rapid economic development of mineral-poor newly industrialized countries of Southeast Asia, which stand in contrast to some oil-rich nations such as Venezuela—history is full of examples where mineral endowments have not proved to be a blessing for long-term economic growth. Instead, such endowments have been a curse that has held countries back from making investments to support future, long-term economic development.

In the end, the relationship between mineral abundance and levels of prosperity depends on the use that nations make of the revenues accruing from mineral exports. Those countries that use such revenues for current spending rather than on productive investments will most likely not benefit from high growth rates in the long run. In those countries, national investments are driven toward mineral extraction activities that affect the level of productivity of other activities, such as manufacturing and services. This leads to an increase in the country’s exposure to fluctuations of mineral prices in international markets. In order to avoid these negative effects, known in the academic literature as the “Dutch disease,” countries should invest their mineral revenues carefully in productive activities such as infrastructure, education, and innovation. By doing so, they will enhance their overall productivity and support a progressive diversification of their economies, becoming more resilient and ensuring more sustainable patterns of economic growth.

One crucial factor that allows countries to effectively channel mineral revenues toward productive investments is the presence of strong, transparent, and efficient institutions. The absence of corruption, along with high levels of transparency and accountability and a strong commitment to a long-term economic agenda that is based on steady productivity gains and independent from the political cycle, are necessary, if not always sufficient, conditions to ensure that natural resources support long-term growth. Chile, Norway, and the United Arab Emirates are examples of countries that are managing their mineral revenues smartly. These countries are creating national funds that avoid overheating their economies and that invest in growth enhancing activities related to education and innovation, thus supporting more diversification and preparing the ground for longer-lasting and more sustainable economic growth.

UK Economy Tracker: Inflation

The UK inflation rate as measured by the Consumer Prices Index fell to 1.9% in January from 2% the month before, according to the Office for National Statistics.

sources--erutledge--bbc

BBC, 18 February 2014 See the graphs

Inflation
The UK inflation rate as measured by the Consumer Prices Index (CPI) fell to 1.9% in January from 2% the month before, according to the Office for National Statistics (ONS).

It is the first time inflation has fallen below the Bank of England’s 2% target rate in more than four years.
The ONS said the lower inflation rate was in large part due to a fall in the cost of recreational and cultural activities, including falling DVD prices and lower entrance fees to attractions.

While the Consumer Prices Index fell, the rate of Retail Prices Index (RPI) inflation, which is calculated differently, increased slightly to 2.8% from 2.7%.

Understanding inflation:

Inflation is a rise in the price of goods and services we buy
The annual rate of inflation shows how much higher or lower prices are compared with the same month a year earlier. It indicates changes to our cost of living
So if the inflation rate is 3% in January, for example, prices are 3% higher than they were 12 months earlier. Or, to look at it another way, we need to spend 3% more to buy the same things
We compare this to the annual change recorded in the previous month to get an idea of whether price rises are getting bigger or smaller
If the annual rate has risen from 3% to 4% from one month to the next, prices are rising at a faster rate
If the rate has fallen – say from 3% to 2% – prices of the things we buy are still higher, but have not increased by as much
If the percentage rate is negative – for example, -1% – then prices are 1% cheaper than a year ago
The figures are compiled by the Office for National Statistics. The inflation rate is calculated every month by looking at the changes in prices of 700 goods and services in 150 different areas across the UK.
This is known as the basket of goods and is regularly updated to reflect changes in the things we buy. Hence the recent inclusion of tablet computers and Twilight books and the exclusion of casserole dishes and photo printing services.
There are two main measures: the Consumer Prices Index (CPI) and the Retail Prices Index (RPI). These are, in effect, two baskets comprising different goods and services, and different methods are used to calculate them. There are many differences, but the biggest is that RPI includes housing costs such as mortgage interest payments and council tax, whereas CPI does not.

Background:
There have been dramatic changes in the rate of inflation in recent years.

In 2008, as the global financial crisis was taking hold, prices were rising at an annual rate of about 5%.

But less than a year later, prices were rising by about 1% on the CPI measure, but were actually falling by about 1.5% on the RPI measure.

By late 2011, prices were rising again with CPI at 5.2%, matching the record high set in September 2008. RPI rose to 5.6%, the highest annual rate since June 1991.

Since then both measures have fallen back again, with CPI now below the Bank of England’s 2% target rate for the first time since November 2009.

So what was behind those big swings?
In the middle of 2008, record high oil prices were feeding through to higher prices of goods and increased energy bills and a fall in the value of sterling also forced up the cost of imported goods.

But by early 2009, the price of crude oil had slumped, losing two-thirds of its value in just six months, and the global recession had taken hold. In the UK, VAT was also cut from 17.5% to 15%, in an effort to stimulate spending. All of this contributed to the the inflation rate falling.

Then VAT went back up to 17.5% at the beginning of 2010, and was increased further to 20% the following year. Big rises in gas and electricity bills, along with transport costs and food prices, pushed prices up further.

Since then the rate of inflation has subsided as the impact of VAT rises and higher energy costs have fallen away.

What does falling inflation mean for households?
Economists broadly expect the UK to benefit from below-target inflation for some time. Jonathan Loynes, economist at consultancy Capital Economics, even suggests CPI inflation could fall to 1% before the end of 2014.

That is seen as good news for households, where prices have risen faster than average incomes since the financial crisis. That means that families have not been able to buy as much with the money that comes in.

Lower inflation means this may be about to turn around. The Institute for Fiscal Studies predicts that wage growth will start to outpace inflation this year

Is GDP the best measure of well being?

UK Prime Minister David Cameron has insisted his £2m plan to measure the nation’s happiness is not “woolly”.

sources--erutledge--bbc

BBC, 25 November 2010 Watch the video

Prime Minister David Cameron said economic growth remained the most “urgent priority” but he wanted a better measure of how the country was doing than GDP.

From April, the UK’s Office for National Statistics will ask people to rate their own well‐being with the first official happiness index due in 2012.

Labour also attempted to measure quality of life when it was in power but then prime minister Tony Blair abandoned the idea, after it proved too difficult to pin down.

But Mr Cameron, who first floated the idea of a “happiness index” in 2005, when he was running for the leadership of the Conservative Party, argues that gross domestic product (GDP) ‐ the standard measure of economic activity used around the world ‐ is no longer up to the job.

‘Distraction’
Launching the consultation on Thursday, he said: “We’ll continue to measure GDP as we’ve always done, but it is high time we admitted that, taken on its own, GDP is an incomplete way of measuring a country’s progress.”

Politicians have long been tempted by the idea of a “happiness index”. Quoting former US senator Robert Kennedy, who said GDP measured everything “except that which makes life worthwhile”, he said the information gathered would help Britain re‐evaluate its priorities in life.

He also hit back at claims that he should be focusing solely on economic growth as the country tries to emerge from recession. He said the government’s “most urgent priority is to get the economy moving, to create jobs, to spread opportunity for everyone”.

“Without a job that pays a decent wage it is hard for people to look after their families in the way that they want, whether that’s taking the children on holiday or making your home a more comfortable place.

“Without money in your pocket it is difficult to do so many of the things that we enjoy.”

But he said the government also had to focus on the long‐term and he said “the country would be better off if we thought about well‐being as well as economic growth”.

GDP was too “crude” a measure of progress as it failed to take into account wider social factors ‐ he cited the example of “irresponsible” marketing to children, an immigration “free for all” and a “cheap booze free for all”, which had all boosted economic growth at the expense of social problems.

‘Bottom line’
He admitted measuring happiness could be seen as “woolly” and “impractical”. But he said a new measure of national well‐being “could give us a general picture of whether life is improving” and eventually “lead to government policy that is more focused not just on the bottom line, but on all those things that make life worthwhile”.

He said he wanted Britain to be “in the vanguard” of efforts around the world to change the accepted measures of national progress “rather than following meekly behind”.

The Office for National Statistics will lead a debate called the National Wellbeing Project which will seek to establish the key areas that matter most to people’s wellbeing.

Potential indicators include how people view their own health, levels of education, inequalities in income and the environment.

National Statistician Jill Matheson said: “There is no shortage of numbers that could be used to construct measures of well‐being, but they will only be successful if they are widely accepted and understood.”We want to develop measures based on what people tell us matters most.”

She said questions would be added to the ONS household survey from next April ‐ but she wanted the public to help come up with sort of questions that should be asked. The first official measure of the nation’s well‐being would be published in summer 2012, she added.

The UK government is not the first to seek better measures of progress than GDP ‐ the World Bank, European Commission, United Nations, and Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development have all made the same commitment.

Trade union Unite attacked the plan as “another attempt by the coalition to pull the wool over peoples’ eyes”. General Secretary elect Len McCluskey said: “No doubt Cameron will use the index to claim that despite rising unemployment, home repossessions, longer NHS waiting lists and unaffordable education, the people of this country are happier under Tory rule. The reality is a gathering gloom.”

Emirati women and the labour market

This is a recent article on the subject of Emirati women and the labour market

Parents play critical role in Emirati women’s career choices, UAE study shows

Dr Emilie Rutledge, associate professor of Economics at UAE University, at the lecture on Parental Influence on Female Vocational in the Arabian Gulf at Mohammed bin Rashid School of Government. Jeffrey E Biteng / The National.

The research team was led by Dr Emilie Rutledge, associate professor of economics at UAE University, who presented their findings to academics at the Mohammed bin Rashid School of Government (MBRSG) on Tuesday.

“Parental influence has a significant role on a given female’s likelihood of seeking to enter the labour market post-graduation,” she said. “Parental support reduces what women perceive as cultural barriers to employment.”

Sixty-eight per cent of the women said their parents influenced their decisions about careers, and 80 per cent said they preferred to work in the public sector.

Forty-six per cent said they felt it was the Government’s responsibility to find them work in the public sector.

Working in education, the civil service and police were deemed the most culturally “acceptable” careers for an Emirati woman, although areas such as advertising, marketing and pharmaceuticals were deemed more “attractive”.

“However, if parents are engaged in the vocational decision-making process, the female is more likely to consider exploring opportunities in the private sector,” Dr Rutledge said.

For Emiratisation to be successful, there must be more emphasis on these other fields rather than banking, human resources and finance, which the women did not consider interesting or attractive, Dr Rutledge said.

“Being in a gender-segregated environment was not as important to the girls as the salary or the job being interesting was, even if society or parents as a whole object to this,” she said.

Dr Rutledge cited holiday time and maternity leave as important, both of which were more attractive in the public than private sectors.

Ensuring the women return to the workplace through flexible working times and better maternity benefits was vital.

“A lot of females leave the workplace when they have a family because of the poor provisions, so they simply don’t go back and in turn, they lose their skills,” she said.

A father’s level of education was key in determining how his daughters would be guided. Fathers with degrees are more likely to support and encourage women to seek employment.

“Private-sector career paths are more attractive if the parent already works in the private sector,” Dr Rutledge said.

“This is of importance as there is merit to incentivising more Emirati males into higher education for the long-term participation of Emirati women in the labour market.”

Women graduate at a 3 to 1 ratio from UAE federal universities.

Dr Maryam Salem Al Marashad has been a long-standing academic at UAE University since she graduated with the first batch of students in 1977.

She left her post as dean of students two years ago but is still active in academia. She said a husband’s influence could not be underestimated.

“We see many girls at UAEU get married in their third year, so by the time they are going to the labour market, it is not only the family but their husband – she is stuck with an answer from her husband that she can or cannot work here or there.”

Geography will also sway a woman’s choices, she said.

“In Fujairah when I go to my bank, the whole first row is full of Emirati women who are supporting their families and are interested to work,” she said. “In Abu Dhabi or Dubai where there are many more opportunities, they can afford to be more picky.”

MBRSG’s head of gender and public policy, Ghalia Gargani, said more research was needed for the long-term participation of Emirati women in the job market.

Only 9 per cent of the labour force is Emirati, a fifth of them women.

“We need to think of ways to have policies for both men and women to balance their work and life and the responsibilities that come with their culture here,” she said. “It’s very relevant to research we’re doing here on the family unit.”

Future of Emirati women often determined by parents

Parental attitudes can reduce the cultural barriers that keep Emirati women from entering the workplace.

https://www.thenational.ae/uae/education/future-of-emirati-women-often-determined-by-parents-1.687617

Melanie Swan | The National | January 29, 2014

A study polled 335 female citizens between the ages of 15 and 24 from across the country.